Nepal’s prime minister, KP Sharma Oli, resigned on September 9 as his country reeled from some of its worst unrest in decades. A government ban on 26 social media apps, including Facebook, WhatsApp, YouTube and X, triggered widespread protests. The police responded violently, 19 people were killed and hundreds more injured.

Demonstrations have escalated since then in the capital, Kathmandu, and some other cities. The homes of various politicians have been vandalised, the parliament building in Kathmandu was set on fire and the death toll has risen to 22.

Nepal’s army has announced it will take control of the situation. It has imposed a countrywide curfew and is warning of punishment for anyone involved in violence or vandalism. The gen Z groups leading the protests say the movement has been hijacked by “opportunist” infiltrators.

The forces that led to Oli’s exit run far deeper than anger at the government’s social media ban. This was merely the final straw. Anger at political instability, elite corruption and economic stagnation have built up over many years.

Nepal’s democratic era began in 2008 after a decade-long Maoist insurgency culminated in the abolition of its monarchy. Several years later, in 2015, a constitution came into effect that introduced federalism and proportional representation to address ethnic tensions and prevent authoritarian rule.

But it has instead produced a highly fragmented party system. None of the 14 governments that have ruled since 2008 have completed a full term. This revolving-door politics, underpinned by patronage-driven coalitions, has fuelled public cynicism.

Nepal also consistently ranks poorly on corruption indices. It was ranked 107 out of 180 countries in Transparency International’s 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index. Two major scandals have become symbols of elite impunity in Nepal.

The first concerns the Giri Bandhu Tea Estate. The estate’s owners – allegedly in collusion with politicians – have for decades attempted to convert land protected under law into commercial real estate for profit. Nepal’s supreme court struck down the latest attempt in February 2025.

The second is known as the Lalita Niwas land grab scam. Beginning in the 1990s, it involved the illegal transfer of government-owned land to influential businessmen, politicians and government officials. Several senior Nepalese officials have been arrested and subsequently convicted over their involvement.

Most recently, the so-called “Nepo kid” campaign has seen the luxury lifestyles of politicians’ family members showcased on social media. Among the most frequently shared images was a photo claiming to show a son of a minister posing with boxes labelled Louis Vuitton and Cartier, arranged into a Christmas tree.

The images have only crystallised public anger. Wealth inequality remains stark in Nepal, where the top 10% of earners receive three times more income than the bottom 40% of earners combined. And younger Nepalis feel excluded from opportunity.

With limited career prospects at home, many young people in Nepal see emigration as the only option. Roughly 839,000 Nepalis had to leave the country in 2024 to work abroad. For young Nepalis, these realities have bred deep disillusionment. Their demands are clear: they want systemic reforms that challenge the political elite.

What happens next?

What happens next is unclear. The Nepalese army played a decisive role in Oli’s resignation. Reports indicate that the army chief, General Ashok Raj Sigdel, privately urged Oli to step down and ensured a safe exit for him and key ministers.

Troops have also been deployed to protect government buildings and maintain order. But, while the army has committed to taking control of the situation, it has at no point attempted to seize power or suspend constitutional processes.

Unlike the overtly interventionist militaries of some states in the region, such as Pakistan, Nepal’s army has traditionally avoided direct involvement in government. It has instead acted as a stabiliser during political crises and has occasionally influenced leadership transitions behind the scenes.

In this sense, its facilitation of Oli’s exit was not entirely unprecedented. But what was striking was the public visibility and speed of the army’s intervention. Its leadership effectively communicated that the prime minister’s political survival depended on their acquiescence, while carefully framing itself as a neutral arbiter rather than a ruler.

Nepal will now enter a period of caretaker government. The country’s fractured coalition politics means forming a stable administration may prove difficult. However, figures such as Kathmandu’s mayor, Balendra Shah, are gaining popularity as symbols of generational change.

Shah, 35, has garnered significant support from young Nepalese people, who view him as a break from the country’s traditional political elites. His background as a rapper and civil engineer, coupled with his anti-corruption stance, resonates with young voters seeking authenticity and reform.

His active engagement on social media, which has included expressing solidarity with protesters, has further solidified his position as a leader aligned with the aspirations of the younger generations. And his independent status, free from the influence of traditional political parties, has allowed him to present himself as an outsider capable of enacting genuine change.

Yet on its own, a turnover of leadership – while addressing a symbolic grievance – is unlikely to satisfy all of the protesters. The slow roll-out of federalism and a lack of effective decentralisation have alienated rural populations. This has fed widespread perceptions of a Kathmandu-centric elite.

Nepalese youth are demanding change. For the country’s politicians, addressing this moment will require not only new leadership, but a genuine commitment to reform and a political system credible to a generation no longer willing to accept business as usual.

Without this, Nepal risks remaining trapped in a cycle of protest and paralysis.

This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit, independent news organization bringing you facts and trustworthy analysis to help you make sense of our complex world. It was written by: Leanne McCarthy-Cotter, Cardiff Metropolitan University

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Leanne McCarthy-Cotter does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.