If you spend time on social media or follow political commentary, you may have heard warnings that Canada is on track to becoming as politically polarized as the United States.

But how divided are we, really?

Our research suggests a more nuanced and positive picture. While Canadians are not immune to partisan animosity, our divisions are much less intense than in the U.S. Canadians express moderate levels of both affective polarization and the deeper hostility known as political sectarianism.

Measuring partisan animosity

Affective polarization refers to the gap in feelings people have toward those they agree with and those on the opposite side. It’s not about policy differences, but about feelings of warmth or hostility.

In the U.S., affective polarization, particularly dislike toward those with opposing views, has risen sharply over the past decade. This kind of division undermines trust, co-operation and democratic norms.

Researchers have expanded the concept to include political sectarianism — “the tendency to adopt a moralized identification with one political group and against another.” When political identities create moral opponents, compromise across parties feels like betrayal and democracy is threatened.

Trump 2020 signs hang in front of the Capitol Building.
Violent protesters, loyal to then-President Donald Trump, storm the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021. (AP Photo/John Minchillo)

Partisan animosity in Canada

To explore affective polarization and political sectarianism in Canada, we worked with the Canadian Hub for Applied and Social Research (CHASR) at the University of Saskatchewan to survey a nationally representative sample of 2,503 Canadians in the summer of 2024. Representative surveys are uncommon in Canada, and this survey is the first to measure political sectarianism

We asked respondents to self-identify their political ideology on a scale from zero (extremely left-wing) to 10 (extremely right-wing); moderates selected five. We also asked how warmly people felt toward left-wing and right-wing Canadians. Then we asked how much they agreed with statements capturing the three dimensions of political sectarianism:

1. Aversion — Feeling negatively toward the other side

2. Othering — Seeing the other side as incomprehensible

3. Moralization — Believing the other side is immoral

The results paint a mixed picture.

Feelings about the ‘out-group’

Canadians display moderate affective polarization: both left-wing and right-wing Canadians feel greater warmth for their “in-group” than for the “out-group.” These evaluations are measured using feeling thermometer ratings, which ask respondents how warm or cold they feel toward each group on a 0–100 scale. While the difference in warmth between in-group and out-group is meaningful, the magnitude of the divide is far lower than in the U.S.

Left-wing Canadians express stronger dislike toward the right than right-wing Canadians do toward the left. This same asymmetry exists in other countries and may be explained by different perceptions of social and moral threat.

There are low to moderate levels of political sectarianism in Canada. Left-wing Canadians express moderate “aversion,” but few Canadians view the other side as immoral. Both the right and the left have moderate levels of othering. In short, political differences in Canada are real, but they have not solidified into hatred and dehumanization.

Who is most likely to be polarized?

We found that people on the left are more polarized than people on the right, but otherwise, we didn’t find major differences between most groups.

Supporters of the NDP, the Conservative Party of Canada and the People’s Party are the most polarized. About one-fifth of Canadians are unaffiliated, which could explain why the two right-wing parties are more polarized than the Liberal Party, yet the left is overall more polarized than the right.

Older Canadians are more polarized than younger Canadians, and residents of Atlantic Canada are less polarized than residents of Alberta. Otherwise, we found no evidence that polarization differs by gender, race/ethnicity, level of education, sexual identity or whether someone lives in a rural or urban area.

Why it matters

Democracy depends on citizens’ ability to tolerate and respect one anther across political and other social divides. Partisan animosity can erode that tolerance, reducing trust in institutions and fellow citizens.

The fact that Canada remains only moderately polarized and demonstrates low to moderate political sectarianism is hopeful. But we also see areas of concern: the left’s greater dislike of the right; the left’s higher level of “aversion;” and moderate polarization among NDP, Conservative Party and People’s Party supporters.

Those divides could deepen over time, particularly if social media algorithms, partisan media or political leaders reward outrage over understanding.

Looking ahead

So far, Canada’s political culture seems to offer some protection from the extreme polarization that has taken hold of Americans. Canadians of all political loyalties continue to rely on mainstream media and credible news sources.

Still, the pressures that have intensified polarization elsewhere exist in Canada too: a hostile climate in Parliament and growing gaps in attitudes on social issues across the political left and right. How these forces unfold will depend on how elected representatives, the media and citizens choose to engage those who think differently than them.

For now, the Canadian polarization story is one of caution, not crisis. Our political differences are real, but haven’t yet deeply divided us. That advantage is fragile, but worth protecting.

Sophia Dimitakopolous, an undergraduate student in the Faculty of Science at the University of British Columbia, contributed to this article

This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit, independent news organization bringing you facts and trustworthy analysis to help you make sense of our complex world. It was written by: Emily Huddart, University of British Columbia and Tony Silva, University of British Columbia

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Emily Huddart and Tony Silva produced this data with funding support from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.